The China Quarterly, v. 73, 1978, p. 140-158
Zweig, David Stephen

ABSTRACT: During the two years I spent as an exchange student in the People’s Republic of China, from October 1974 to July 1976, under the auspices of the Sino-Canadian Student Exchange Programme, I was witness to such major political events as the convening of the Fourth National People’s Congress, the Dictatorship of the Proletariat Campaign and the Campaign to Criticize Water Margin. This report focuses on the events that occurred in the last 10 months of my stay, and most particularly on the Educational Debate of late 1975, the passing of Chou En-lai, the campaign against Teng Hsiao-p’ing, and the events surrounding the T’ien An Men Incident. My sources include personal observations: in the first few months of 1976 I witnessed the uneven unfolding of the “Educational Debate,” and I was in T’ien An Men Square on 3 and 4 April, when the first open attacks against the “Shanghai four” took place, on the eve of the riot of 5 April; material I collected from posters at Peita and in Shanghai; conversations with other foreign and Chinese students; and various contacts with Chinese teachers and officials. I also had contact with some members of the foreign community.

Links:
The China Quarterly, v. 73, 1978, p. 140-158
Repository.ust.hk/ir/Record/1783.1-31106

Stanford Journal of International Law, v. 23, 1987, p. 319-364
Zweig, David Stephen; Hartford, Kathleen; Feinerman, James; Deng, Jianxu

SUBJECTS: Dispute resolution (Law) — Analysis
Law reform — Economic aspects
Contracts — Laws, regulations and rules
China — Laws, regulations and rules

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Stanford Journal of International Law, v. 23, 1987, p. 319-364
Repository.ust.hk/ir/Record/1783.1-31372

International Regional Science Review, v. 11, 1987, p. 43-58
Zweig, David

ABSTRACT: This paper documents the increased urban-rural interaction in China and argues that the new developmental strategy apparently has helped narrow the urban-rural gap. Income differentials between peasants and workers have declined. Direct commercial interaction between peasants and rural factories and urban residents and urban factories have increased dramatically, and peasants have begun to play a significant role in developing the previously moribund urban service sector. Since 1984, rural surplus labor, previously hidden by the over employment of the rural collective sector, has begun to stream into China’s urban centers, particularly the new small towns springing up in the countryside. At the same time, peasants are precipitating an increase in China’s medium-size cities as well. Moreover, the creation of a vigorous rural economy, with its increased demand for consumer and producer goods and the closer integration of the urban and rural sectors, has generated strong pressures for the liberalization and decentralization of the urban economy.

Links:
International Regional Science Review, v. 11, 1987, p. 43-58
Repository.ust.hk/ir/Record/1783.1-31353

Comparative Politics, v. 27, 1995, p. 253-274
Zweig, David Stephen

ABSTRACT: How does foreign trade and investment affect developing states? Do they create transnational alliances that exploit the countryside and undermine state authority and domestic industry? Or do they generate growth and strong states? Their impact in reality is complex. In China, export-led growth and direct foreign investment have spawned “developmental communities” in rural coastal areas whose leaders have dramatically improved peasant welfare and local party/state authority. Joint ventures serve as “linkage channels” for importing new technologies which strengthen the formerly disadvantaged rural industrial sector and allow informal allies—foreign investors and local state officials—to share “rents” in the protected domestic economy. Thus, while these communities prosper, they undermine central control over China’s foreign trade regime and challenge the position of urban-based, state-owned industries that benefit from a monopoly on technological imports.and political stability, if China weathers Deng Xiaoping’s succession and the economy continues to grow, significant numbers of Chinese may return.

Links:
Comparative Politics, v. 27, 1995, p. 253-274
Repository.ust.hk/ir/Record/1783.1-31245

Studies in Comparative International Development, v. 32, (1), 1997, SPR, p. 92-125
Zweig, David Stephen

ABSTRACT: This study, based on 273 face-to-face interviews with students, scholars, and former residents of China in the United States in 1993, uses both qualitative and quantitative methods to explain people’s views about returning to China. Although less than 9 percent of interviewees had concrete plans to return, over 32 percent were positively disposed to returning in the future. Key background variables that affect that decision are people’s age, sex, social background in China, and their views about returning when they first left China. Concern about children’s future was not significant, but having a wife abroad greatly increased the desire to stay abroad. Why people chose not to return varied significantly between people with children and those who didn’t. Even four years after the Tiananmen crackdown, concerns about political instability, lack of political freedom, and a lack of trust that the government would let people who returned leave again were significant reasons for not returning, But economic factors-better U.S. housing and incomes-as well as professional concerns about lack of job or career mobility in China and a poor work environment there were equally important. Given the weight attributed to economic factors and political stability, if China weathers Deng Xiaoping’s succession and the economy continues to grow, significant numbers of Chinese may return.

Links:
Studies in Comparative International Development, v. 32, (1), 1997, SPR, p. 92-125
Repository.ust.hk/ir/Record/1783.1-26530

Links:
Studies in Comparative International Development, v. 32, (1), 1997, SPR, p. 92-125
Repository.ust.hk/ir/Record/1783.1-76589

National Interest, Summer ’99,  Issue 56,  p63 10p
Zweig, David

ABSTRACT: Discusses the political and economic conditions in China. Effort of China leaders to manage the economic difficulties foisted on China by the post July 1997 Asian crisis; Factors which push market capitalism in China; Effects of China’s move to join world trade.

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National Interest, Summer ’99,  Issue 56,  p63 10p
Repository.ust.hk/ir/Record/1783.1-31287

Asian Survey, v. 41, (2), 2001, Mar-Apr, p. 231-247
Zweig, David Stephen

ABSTRACT: In spring 1998, Zhu Rongji became China’s new prime minister, bringing with him a remarkable and optimistic reform agenda. Two and a half years later, while Zhu has had some successes, particularly China’s forthcoming entry into the World Trade Organization (WTO), much of his program has stalled. Why did this “reform wave” stall and what is its future? What were the debates surrounding policies that formed the “fifth wave”? This considers first the trimming of the bureaucracy and the battle form, against corruption and then the debate surrounding WTO accession, SOE reform, and the expansion of the private sector.

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Asian Survey, v. 41, (2), 2001, Mar-Apr, p. 231-247
Repository.ust.hk/ir/Record/1783.1-23981

Peaceworks, (Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace), July 2002
David Zweig

ABSTRACT: This study addresses the relationship among popular attitudes toward democracy, a state’s political structures–parties, elections, and the government bodies to which candidates in these societies are elected–and the ways in which people participate in politics. It argues that high levels of popular democratic consciousness and strong demands for participation, in the absence of legitimate democratic institutions, lead citizens to resort to nonformal political strategies, including civil dis…

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Peaceworks, (Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace), July 2002
Repository.ust.hk/ir/Record/1783.1-12096

Journal of Contemporary China, 11(32), 2002, pp. 495-513
Zweig, David Stephen; Alford, William P.; Weller, Robert P.; Hall, Leslyn; Polenske, Karen R.; Shen, Yuanyuan

ABSTRACT: The People’s Republic of China is experiencing severe air pollution with very serious public health and economic consequences. Over the past decade, the Chinese government has sought to utilize bureaucratic, political, legal and educational vehicles to address these problems. This paper examines the ways in which those policy measures have been communicated to, understood by, and acted upon by the citizenry, drawing in important part on household and epidemiological surveys conducted in Anhui. Our study suggests that the central government’s message has yet to be absorbed to the degree intended and then considers both why this has been the case and how the effectiveness of policy mechanisms might be enhanced.

Links:
Journal of Contemporary China, 11 (32), 2002, pp. 495-513
Repository.ust.hk/ir/Record/1783.1-11741